By Raphael Lefevre
Whilst the convulsions of the Arab Spring first grew to become happen in Syria in March 2011, the Ba'athist regime used to be quickly accountable the protests at the "Syrian Muslim Brotherhood" and its "al-Qaeda affiliates." yet who're those Islamists so decided to rule a post-Assad Syria?
Little has been released on militant Islam in Syria for the reason that Hafez Assad's regime destroyed the Islamist circulation in its stronghold of Hama in February 1982. This e-book bridges that hole through supplying readers with the 1st entire account of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood's historical past to date.
In this ground-breaking account of Syria's so much admired, but hugely secretive, Islamist business enterprise, the writer attracts on formerly untapped resources: the memoirs of former Syrian jihadists; British and American files; and likewise a sequence of wide-ranging interviews with the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood's historic leaders in addition to those that battled opposed to them--many conversing at the checklist for the 1st time. Ashes of Hama uncovers the key elements of the Islamist fight: from the Brotherhood's radicalisation and its "jihad" opposed to the Ba'athist regime and next exile, to a surprising comeback on the vanguard of the Syrian revolution in 2011--a notable turnaround for an Islamist flow which all analysts had mentioned lifeless amid the ruins of Hama in 1982.
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Extra info for Ashes of Hama: The Muslim Brotherhood in Syria
Sample text
The Syrian branch of the Ikhwan also looked to its Egyptian sister for ideological inspiration. 15 Islam—its teachings, law and culture—was here again perceived as the inspiration from which all socioeconomic and political reforms should be derived. The common ideological background and striking organizational similarities between the two organizations did not mean, however, that the Syrian Ikhwan would merely be a representative in Damascus of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, for the two groups retained their autonomy in two very distinct sociopolitical environments.
The northern metropolis had been a major centre of Islamic activism throughout the 1930s, most notably through the work of Dar al-Arqam, a local jamia dedicated to the promotion of Islam’s all-encompassing role in Syrian society by carrying out cultural, sporting and social activities. According to an account given by one of its former members who would later rise to assume leadership of the Syrian Brotherhood, Ali Sadreddine al-Bayanouni, Dar al-Arqam (“The Home of Arqam”) could be distinguished from the Damascus-based al-Gharra by its open-mindedness and progressive spirit.
The women’s issue was seen as a test: if the government backed al-Gharra’s demands, Tabba and others believed that the rest of al-Gharra’s programs would see the light of the day”,25 as Philip Khoury has explained. The occasion for such a test came on 20th May 1944 when Rafiqa al-Bukhari, the wife of the Minister of Education, scheduled the organization of a charity ball at the French Officers’ Club in Damascus. When the leaders of al-Gharra learned that Muslim women might attend the event unveiled and in the company of men, they demanded that the government cancel the ball as an offence against public morality.
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