By Michael J. Thompson
William Kristol, Paul Wolfowitz, Donald Rumsfeld, Condoleeza Rice, George F. Will, and Dick Cheney. those are trendy neoconservatives--confident, simple, and a political strength to be reckoned with. yet how should still we outline this new conservatism? what's new approximately it? during this quantity, a few of present day best political students tackle the cost of explaining, defining, and confronting the hot conservatism of the final twenty-five years. The authors study the tips, guidelines and roots of this ideological circulate displaying that modern neoconservatism has been capable of mix a number of the facets of social conservatism--such as non secular populism and nationalism--with financial liberalism and the rhetoric of equality of chance and individualism. With their emphasis on dismantling the welfare country and a rhetorical go back to fiscal laissez faire and person rights, neoconservatives were capable of harness populist sentiment by way of either economics and cultural concerns. And with their trust in ethical and cultural ''simplicity,'' their draw back from technological know-how, their conviction in American superiority at the international level, and their embody of ''anti-government'' rhetoric, they've got successfully replaced the character of the yank political landscape.
The members to Confronting the recent Conservatism supply a trenchant research and substantive critique of the neoconservative ethos, arguing that it's an ideology that should be greater understood if swap is to be had.
Contributors: Stanley Aronowitz, Chip Berlet, Stephen Eric Bronner, Lawrence Davidson, Greg Grandin, Philip eco-friendly, Diana M. Judd, Thomas M. Keck, Charles Noble, R. Claire Snyder, Michael J. Thompson, and Nicholas Xenos.
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From the standpoint of those who wish in some way to revive the decayed welfare state—usually zeroing in on health care as the central issue arena—the question of taxation is an immense and in the short run 38 p h i l i p g r e e n insuperable obstacle. To begin with, the macroeconomic argument that higher taxes can be used to provide needed social services is just that—an argument, greatly complicated, with economists on either side of it; it cannot compete with a slogan that apparently matches lived experience.
And ed. Kurt H. Wolff, pp. 409–424 (New York: Free Press, 1964). 33. Richard Sennett, The Uses of Disorder (New York: Knopf, 1971). 34. For a discussion of this theme in relation to the support for regressive tax 30 m i c h a e l j . t h o m p s o n cuts, see Larry M. Bartels, “Homer Gets a Tax Cut: Inequality and Public Policy in the American Mind,” Perspectives on Politics 3, no. 1 (2005): 15–31. 35. Ethington, “Metropolis and Multicultural Ethics,” 212. 36. See chapter 4 of Locke’s Second Treatise of Government.
It needs to be emphasized that these cannot be reduced to mere components of social class. Frank’s argument, to paraphrase, is that the people of Kansas have sold their pottage for a mess of souls. But patriarchy and institutionalized religion can also undergird the material conditions of life; they are also a form of pottage. Moreover, the legitimacy or even existence of class hierarchy has never been assumed in the United States, where the myth of equal opportunity has been paramount and commercial mass culture counters the pains of inequality by continually assuring us that lower is better.
