By C. Danielle Vinson
Individuals of Congress have more and more embraced media kinfolk to persuade policymaking. In Congress and the Media, Vinson argues that congressional individuals use the media to complement their formal powers or to catch up on their loss of strength to give an explanation for why congressional contributors move public and after they tend to achieve getting coverage.
summary: individuals of Congress have more and more embraced media kinfolk to persuade policymaking. In Congress and the Media, Vinson argues that congressional individuals use the media to complement their formal powers or to make amends for their loss of strength to provide an explanation for why congressional contributors cross public and once they are inclined to reach getting assurance
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When the patterns of the two data sets are combined, they suggest that it may be harder to get traditional print news coverage of Congress today than it once was, making it more difficult to employ public strategies successfully; but at times where the political situation makes Congress more newsworthy, concerted efforts to gain media attention can be successful in attracting coverage for congressional members. In short, the media’s interest in Congress may well play a role in when members of Congress might reasonably plan to go public and the amount of effort required to do so successfully.
The contrast was even starker in the transition-year data where the years after midterm elections contained on average almost 150 more cases (635) than the years following presidential elections (489). Overall, cases of going public were most common in nonelection years, with an average of 27 cases per year in the full data set compared to only 20 per year during elections. Presidential election years were least amenable to congressional going public, with 15 cases per year. Additionally, cases were more frequent in times of divided government (26 per year) than unified government (19).
As suggested in Chapter 1, members of Congress are most likely to turn to the media to augment their institutional powers and particularly to compensate for institutional weaknesses. Although the formal powers of party leaders are determined by the party caucuses and the rules of each house of Congress, the relative strength and weakness of party leaders depends in part on the overall political context—specifically, whether the party leaders are in the majority or minority in the House or Senate, whether their party controls the White House, and whether there is unified government, with one party controlling both Congress and the White House, or divided government, where each party controls one branch, or even whether control of Congress itself is split between the two parties.
