By Lesley Williams Reid
By means of exploring the political and financial histories of Atlanta, Boston, Detroit, and New Orleans, Reid files how each one urban skilled the loss of life of the economic, welfare-state political financial system and the increase of the post-industrial, absentee-state political financial system and the way those adjustments have affected city crime premiums. Crime charges elevated as production employment reduced. in contrast, high-skill service-sector development resulted in much less crime in Boston, whereas low-skill service-sector progress ended in extra crime in Atlanta. moreover, these towns emphasizing legal justice charges on the price of social welfare costs have had extra crime than these towns that didn't. Political and financial stipulations have encouraged crime premiums, in occasionally wonderful methods, around the post-World battle II city panorama.
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Extra info for Crime in the City: A Political and Economic Analysis of Urban Crime (Criminal Justice (Lfb Scholarly Publishing Llc).)
Sample text
Local criminal justice policies that are focused on punitive measures fail to lessen crime, and may actually increase recidivism (Andrews and Bonata 1994; Byrne and Pattavina 1992). A criminal justice system that is based on maintaining social order through supportive rehabilitation may, however, lessen crime (Cullen 1994). In fact, formal mechanisms of social control may only be effective in the context of support, rehabilitation and societal reintegration (Braithwaite 1989). Overly punitive criminal justice policies can also erode aggregate commitment to the dominant social order at both the community and city-levels.
Success is defined in monetary terms, thereby eliminating the capacity of those with few opportunities for economic success to establish themselves in other ways. This creates a tension between achieving success and the legitimate means available for doing so. Hence the ethos of American capitalism creates pressures to succeed in a narrowly defined way and to pursue that success despite structural limitations on the means available. This fosters the tendency to use any means necessary, including criminal or deviant means, to achieve monetary success (Messner and Rosenfeld 2000).
As political and economic opportunities for poor, minority populations in urban, inner cities disappeared, this population increasingly rejected legitimate, institutional channels for more effective, although often illegal, strategies to obtain political and economic resources (Cohen 1973; Horowitz and Liebowitz 1968; Young 1970). Second, the political subculture perspective argued that not only had the distinction between criminal and political acts blurred, but the distinction between criminal and political organizations had blurred as well.
