By Steve Ludlam, Martin J. Smith
The follow-up quantity to an analogous editors' New Labour in executive offers a scientific review of Blair's first time period and the continuities and alterations into his moment. Bringing jointly specially-commissioned chapters by means of top specialists in a tightly-edited structure , it locations specific emphasis at the evolution of New Labour's political functionality, coverage and statecraft set in its ancient, ideological and organizational context.
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Extra resources for Governing as New Labour: Policy and Politics Under Blair
Example text
This was partly because, under Tony Blair, the party was felt to have moved away from tax-and-spend politics. But at the same time, public opinion has always been slightly more disposed towards high public spending than to low taxation – and, during the 1990s, public opinion became more radical on this dimension. New Labour was also extending its appeal well beyond its declining working class support base. 2). But from the 1970s onwards, the electorate became less divided along lines of class. We can see the extent of the decline in class voting by looking at trends in the Alford index since the early 1960s.
The government had promised much, but Charles Pattie 27 delivered less. It was respected by the end of its first term in office, but it did not generate wide enthusiasm. A Lucky Choice of Opponents? Given its economic record, New Labour was never seriously at risk of losing in 2001. However, given the sense of public disappointment, Labour’s majority could have been cut substantially. But in the event, it hardly changed. Why? Two factors in addition to the Party’s record in office helped Labour to retain its majority: the state of the opposition; and the operation of the electoral system.
2001, 13–15). By the 1990s, the party’s traditional support base was no longer large enough to deliver victory. In addition, a second process – dealignment – had weakened voters’ attachments to parties (Crewe and Särlvik, 1983). Increasingly, the electorate was likely to vote, not on the basis of class or party loyalty, but on the issues and (especially) on the perceived economic competence of parties (Franklin, 1985; Sanders, 1996). Parties could no longer rely on the automatic support of their voters.
