By Joseph Daher
by means of discarding extra universal techniques to the social gathering that target non secular discourse or army questions, Daher is freed as much as research what the celebration truly is: a company that's working inside of a selected political and socio-economic context, person who concurrently deals it a wealthy floor of help and bounds its variety of motion. Daher basically and punctiliously positions Hezbollah inside of that context, concentrating on its historical ties with its major sponsor, Iran, its media and cultural wings, its dating with Western financial guidelines, and the influence of the Shi’a inhabitants at the sectarian politics of Lebanon. providing extra awareness to the party’s positions on worker’s rights and women’s matters, this clean tackle Hezbollah may be awfully helpful for realizing the world’s such a lot tumultuous region.
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Extra resources for Hezbollah: The Political Economy of Lebanon’s Party of God
Example text
These pronounced levels of inequality are closely related to the rentier and financialized nature of the economy, which has been reinforced by the neoliberal measures outlined above. Wages and social contributions, for example, accounted for only 23 percent of GDP in 2009, while the share of interest payments accounted for 10 percent of GDP or a third of government expenditures in 2011 (Matabadal 2012: 5). As the purchasing power of Lebanese citizens decreased due to rising inflation, the importance of rent derived from interest was accentuated through policies that encouraged banks and high-income earners to purchase Lebanese treasury bills with high interest rates.
Traboulsi described the LNM’s position as increasingly defensive by dropping its reform program and adopting an increasingly Arab nationalist discourse with sectarian themes, in which sects were divided between “patriotic” and “non patriotic ones” (2007: 214). In this manner, the positions of the LNM and some sections of the left paved the way for increased sectarianism and the facilitation of foreign interference in the internal politics of the country (Picard 1985: 1016–17; Chiit 2009b; Daou 2013).
Those employed in Hezbollah institutions were not required to join the party, but had to respect its Islamic ideology including Islamic dress codes (Harb el-Kak 1996). This large social support network, and the on-going growth of the Shiʿa population in the southern suburbs of Beirut, South Lebanon and the Bekaa, massively expanded the constituency of the party. It enabled Hezbollah to position itself as a massive welfare provider with the support of Iran, transmitting the political and ideological beliefs of the Iranian Islamic Revolution to the poor Shiʿa families and larger sectors of the Shiʿa population.
