By Kevin Mattson
Taking a look at the information that knowledgeable the protest, social events and activism of the Sixties, this article combines conventional highbrow biography with social heritage to check a gaggle of intellectuals whose considering used to be the most important within the formula of recent Left political thought.
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Intellectuals in Action: The Origins of the New Left and Radical Liberalism, 1945-1970
The information that knowledgeable the protest, social routine and activism of the Nineteen Sixties, this article combines conventional highbrow biography with social heritage to envision a gaggle of intellectuals whose considering used to be an important within the formula of recent Left political idea.
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Extra resources for Intellectuals in Action: The Origins of the New Left and Radical Liberalism, 1945-1970
Example text
Just as important, though, Macdonald started taking aim at Henry Wallace’s 1948 campaign, exposing communist influence. C. Wright Mills and Paul Goodman grew increasingly wary of Macdonald’s attacks on Henry Wallace. They never denied that he had a point about communist infiltration (nor did they support Wallace as a candidate), but they did not think it merited the sort of attention Macdonald paid to it. Here we start seeing some of the fissures that would come to constitute major divisions within New Left thinking after the collapse of politics.
But at other times, she speaks of the “oppressive use of intellectual and verbal skills” in the early New Left (166, my emphasis). It is not clear from her writing whether intellectualism necessarily entailed or only potentially became a form of white male aggression. Here, I believe, we see some of the early formulations that worried critics on the left— especially Russell Jacoby, Todd Gitlin, and Richard Rorty—who believed that identity politics had devastated any hope for a rational left in America.
The New York Intellectuals embraced instead the intellectualism of high modernism in literature and art. They tried to marry—and it was an odd marriage indeed—the modernism of a T. S. Eliot with the revolutionary politics of a Trotsky. World War II, though, challenged their Trotskyist assumption that America acted solely as an imperialist power, rather than as a committed opponent 2. Richard Pells, The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age: American Intellectuals in the 1940s and 1950s (Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 1989), 117; Stephen A.
