By I. Packer
This e-book is an leading edge appraisal of the character of Edwardian Liberalism and the paintings of the 1905-15 Liberal governments. instead of focusing on debates in regards to the "decline of Liberalism", it makes huge use of recent archival examine with the intention to determine the foremost matters of Liberals within the first 20 years of the 20th century and the way policy-making was once regarding conflicting definitions of Liberal ideology. The ebook covers all of the key parts of family and international coverage and concludes with a bit at the Asquith executive and international battle I.
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Extra info for Liberal Government and Politics, 1905-15
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In the very small field of Liberal landowners in parliament with previous government experience and some knowledge of foreign affairs, Grey was the outstanding candidate – of the two others seriously considered by Campbell-Bannerman, Elgin was a colonial governor rather than a politician (he had been Viceroy of India in 1894–9) and Cromer was not even a Liberal. Grey thus owed his position at least partly to his rare position as a Liberal landowner, though he was, of course, also a full-time politician, just as much as someone like Lloyd George.
As A. C. Murray, Grey’s parliamentary private secretary, put it, support for France in a crisis was merely ‘common-sense and patriotism’. These were universal categories that conclusively justified intervention. 72 This downgrading of Liberal ideology was not a new development in the thinking of men like Murray – all the pro-interventionists at the highest level, with the unique but crucial exception of Lloyd George, were Liberal Imperialists. On the other hand, for men like Morley and Loreburn, their dislike of the military discussions was an outcome of their distrust of Grey’s foreign policy and their insistence on the importance of elements of Liberal ideology, especially the Cobdenite dislike of ‘entangling’ foreign commitments, in determining strategy.
81 Before 1914 no leading Liberal dared to make his support for this policy public and the Liberal case for conscription remained unmade. 82 The whole idea conjured up images of a military state, quite apart from its obvious expense and immense practical difficulties. This was not just something Liberals could ignore as an impossibility, though. 83 Prominent generals and many Unionists, like Lord Curzon, were ardent advocates of conscription and bills on the subject appeared with some regularity in the Commons.
