By Editor: Susan Watkins & NLR Editorial Committee
Read Online or Download New Left Review 50 (ENTIRE) March-April 2008 PDF
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Extra resources for New Left Review 50 (ENTIRE) March-April 2008
Sample text
Suharto’s fall has opened the way for a good many publications claiming—sometimes with evidence, sometimes on the basis of rumour and mystical signs—that the real mastermind of October 1, 1965 was Suharto himself. These circulate quite freely. The most surprising development has emerged in an unlikely place— among young intellectuals and social activists from ‘traditional Islam’, who in many ways are showing themselves to be far more modern than the ‘modernists’. Taking a cue from Wahid, they can be found, even in remote rural areas, visiting and helping impoverished old Communists and their families.
Yet, as we have also seen, by the mid-1980s the last of the revolution’s veterans had retired, replaced by former cadets from the Military Academy. They had adapted fully to the regime, but failed to produce a single moment of ‘glory’, and not one of the new generation of generals enjoyed any independent public prestige. After Suharto’s fall, and Habibie’s ending of the old order’s strict censorship, the mass media began to be filled with devastating stories of military malfeasance and brutality.
Prawira is Javanese for officer, while piningit refers to the old aristocratic tradition of putting daughters, after their first menstruation, into seclusion until they were successfully married off. In effect, ‘virgin officers’. But Suharto was also thinking about how to create a political counterweight to the active senior officer corps, a generation younger than his own. The solution was remarkable. Throughout much of his dictatorship Suharto had been visibly hostile to political Islam. In the 1970s, his political spymaster Ali Murtopo had created a Komando Jihad, partly formed by released and desperate prisoners from the failed Islamic-state rebel movement of the 1950s and early 60s.
