By Andrew Knapp (auth.)
The French elections of 2002 broke all documents for fragmentation, abstention and far-right protest vote casting, but again incumbent President Chirac in triumph and gave him a high-quality foundation of parliamentary help. events and the get together method in France seeks to provide an explanation for the ambiguity of France's present dating to politics via a accomplished research of French political events and their interplay during the last fifty years, set opposed to the 2 contexts of French historical past and of up to date theories of events and social gathering systems.
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Electoral systems do affect party systems, but in ways that are often complex and indirect. The wider institutional environment, as we have already suggested, also affects the pattern of party competition. This may include rather large elements, such as the presence or absence of a strong executive presidency, or the powers of an upper house of parliament, or the degree of federalism in the constitution, as well as apparently minor ones such as campaign finance rules. All hold the potential to determine party structures, party strategies, and thus party systems.
Candidates were presented on lists equivalent to the number of council seats to be filled; two ballots were held; lists winning over half the votes at the first ballot, or a simple plurality of votes at the second, took all of the council seats. Last but not least, the constitutional amendment of 1962 adopted a version of the two-ballot system for the election of France's president. The electorate votes directly for candidates, without the intermediary of an American-style electoral college; there are two weeks, not one, between ballots; and only the two leaders go through to the run-off, ensuring that the winner will always be elected by a majority of valid votes cast.
Duverger's classic contrast serves to set off the loosely-organised, locally-based adversaries of the Centre and Right from the PCF - the only entity resembling a mass party (though falling sadly short of the profile when it came to the capacity of members to influence the apparatus) that France has possessed over any length of time. Kirchheimer's catch-all model helps to capture some of the originality of the Gaullist party in the French context of the 1960s, while Panebianco both goes some way to integrating the charismatic element of Gaullism in a wider framework and analyses some of the structural weaknesses of the SFIO (several of which were missed by Duverger).
