By Tim Newburn
Bringing jointly a number major social scientists and criminologists, this assortment explores a few key topics raised via the paintings of Robert Reiner. Arguably the major policing pupil of his iteration, Reiner's paintings over a few forty years has ranged greatly during this box, taking within the examine of police tradition, association, elites, and relationships with the media. consistently conscientiously located inside an research of the altering socio-political situations of policing and crime keep watch over, Robert Reiner's scholarship has been path-breaking in its impression. The thirteen unique essays during this quantity are testomony to Reiner's impression. even though reflecting the essentially British bent inside of his paintings, the essays additionally draw on individuals from the united states, Australia, Europe, and South Africa to discover many of the top debates of the instant. those contain, yet aren't constrained to: the effect of neoliberalism on crime keep watch over and the demanding situations for contemporary social democracy * the police tradition, equality, and political economic system * the hot media and the way forward for policing * early life, policing, and democracy * the demanding situations and probabilities posed by way of globalization within the fields of policing and safeguard.
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Extra info for Policing: Politics, Culture and Control - Essays in Honour of Robert Reiner
Sample text
Second, it certainly involves a set of claims about the gathering ascendancy of certain bodies of ideas – about the respective roles of state and market, about human motivation, socialisation and social ordering and about their implications for crime and its control – that came to renewed prominence in that period. The ‘crisis’ eventually favoured the New Right, as Stuart Hall (1979: 16) put it, because it came to be ‘lived in its terms’. Those ideas rapidly came to include a set of diagnoses of Britain’s social ills, including the emergence of what rapidly came to be known as an ‘underclass’, principally at the door of a morally over-indulgent and inefficient ‘welfare state’.
Speaking of his fellow cabinet ministers Crossman writes that: ‘They have the routine politician’s attitude to public opinion that the politician must take the decisions and then get the public to acquiesce. The notion of creating the extra burden of a live and articulate public opinion able to criticise actively and make its own choices is something which most socialist politicians keenly resent’. 8 In the British case, these exceptions certainly include contributions to welfare-focused youth justice policies in both England and Wales and especially Scotland, the creation of novel institutions such as Intermediate Treatment and the social work knowledge that underpinned these.
O’Malley (2000) similarly censures this sort of approach as tending to produce ‘criminologies of catastrophe’. The other face of this tendency, we suggest, is to explain everything we observe in the present and very recent past as the out-workings of a single inherent dominant position – usually ‘neo-liberalism’. As Garland (2001: 22) similarly argues, it is dangerous to ‘see discontinuities everywhere’. Instead, he emphasises that ‘new practices and mentalities co-exist with the residues and continuations of older arrangements’ (ibid: 167).
