By Matthew Smith (auth.)
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Extra info for Policy-Making in the Treasury: Explaining Britain’s Chosen Path on European Economic and Monetary Union
Sample text
Theakston (1995, p. 10) holds up what he argues are examples of political colourisation of officials, and of the Thatcher government considering the Civil Service as being there simply to take orders and not contribute to policy-making. g. g. HM Treasury paying Lamont’s legal fees for a private legal case). There was the Prime Minister’s interest in senior appointments and the increase in Whitehall’s advertising budget to explain government policy at the expense of the Opposition. And there was the abolition of the Central Policy Review Staff (CPRS) in Number 10.
Second, it looks at whether changes to its internal structure over time give any suggestion about its role in policy-making on European issues. And, thirdly, it returns to the central question in this book – the role of the Treasury and its officials in the policy-making process – to see whether any existing evidence suggests that the minister–official relationship in the Treasury differs from the broad description set out earlier in this chapter. Position in Whitehall Whilst it can be said that Number 10 is at the heart of the government, ‘in terms of the allocation of functions the Treasury and the Cabinet Office are … the only two fully fledged central departments in Whitehall’ (Pliatzky, 1989, p.
Indeed, Marshall (1988, p. 5) states that the former caused the latter. For instance, the Armstrong Memorandum was published in February 1985 in the aftermath of the Clive Ponting Affair (HC Debs, vol. 74, col. 130–2, 26 30 Policy-Making in the Treasury February 1985). The Memorandum was expanded and published as the Civil Service Management Code in February 1993 (HM Treasury, 1993), and reissued in 1996 as the Civil Service Code. The Code outlined a preferred working relationship between officials and ministers that was a close representation of the traits identified by Haldane, Bridges et al.
