By Jeffrey Herf
In a different software of serious concept to the learn of the position of ideology in politics, Jeffrey Herf explores the anomaly inherent within the German fascists' rejection of the rationalism of the Enlightenment whereas totally embracing glossy expertise. He files proof of a cultural culture he calls 'reactionary modernism' present in the writings of German engineers and of the most important intellectuals of the. Weimar correct: Ernst Juenger, Oswald Spengler, Werner Sombart, Hans Freyer, Carl Schmitt, and Martin Heidegger. The ebook exhibits how German nationalism and later nationwide Socialism created what Joseph Goebbels, Hitler's propaganda minister, known as the 'steel-like romanticism of the 20th century'. by means of associating expertise with the Germans, instead of the Jews, with attractive shape instead of the formlessness of the industry, and with a powerful country instead of a predominance of financial values and associations, those right-wing intellectuals reconciled Germany's power with its romantic soul and nationwide identification.
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Extra resources for Reactionary Modernism: Technology, Culture and Politics in Weimar and the Third Reich
Sample text
5 Within the German Right after World War I, there were a number of writers who argued for a nationalist ideology more in keeping with modern times and less restricted by traditional Prussian conservatism. 6 They envisaged a new reich of enormous strength and unity, rejected the view that political action should be guided by rational criteria, and idealized violence for its own sake. "7 Both within and outside the engineering profession, advocates of the conservative revolution were also important contributors to the reactionary modernist tradition.
They attacked abstraction and the intellect while celebrating intuition, the self, and immediacy. They would have rejected the label "intellectual," with its French, left-wing, cosmopolitan, and Jewish connotations. In Nazi parlance, the term was an expression of contempt and ridicule. If life or blood was the central force in politics, it was pointless to engage in critical analysis. Whereas ideology was necessary, intellectuals were not, because everyone had feelings and could thus be his own ideologist.
244, for Benjamin's analysis along these lines. " Ansgar Hillach in "Die Athetisierung des politischen Lebens" draws out these aspects of Benjamin's work. Benjamin, "Theories of German Fascism," New German Critique 17 (Spring 1979), p. 125. 32 The conservative revolution in Weimar the praise for submission as "heroic surrender" and the stoic bearing present in their postwar writings. Benjamin referred to "a new theory of war" in the postwar Right whose real purpose was a compensatory one, that is, to transform the actual humiliating defeat in the war into a victory of form and beauty.
