By Gino G. Raymond
The dying of the French Communist occasion (PCF) has been a recurrent characteristic of overviews of the Left in France for the prior twenty years, and but the Communists continue to exist. This learn examines the criteria that undermined the location of the PCF because the preferable celebration of France, but in addition highlights the demanding situations that the celebration faces in a society dissatisfied with politics, and the hot suggestions that it's constructing on the way to revive its fortunes.
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Additional info for The French Communist Party during the Fifth Republic: A Crisis of Leadership and Ideology (French Politics, Society and Culture)
Example text
22 While the great schism therefore brought isolation, throughout the remaining life of the Fourth Republic, the PCF possessed an electoral weight that could not be denied, and deployed a presence on the political landscape that enabled it to foster its identity as a counter-community with a countervailing culture to capitalism. 2 Dynamics of the Counter-culture Introduction: A charismatic party During the life of the Fifth Republic in France the discussion of charisma has been largely situated in a presidential context, and while its analysis has moved on from the Weberian notion of charisma as a seductive legitimation of the state’s monopoly of violence,1 it has tended to focus on the exceptional qualities of the charismatic leader rather than the given social structure that is conducive to the deployment of that charisma.
The departure from government had also resulted in the PCF being forced out of participation in the running of nationalised industries like the Charbonnages de France (coal) and new prestigious bodies such as the commission for atomic energy. As for its voice in the national media, the government was engaged in the removal of communist influence in state-owned sources of information like the radio and Agence France Presse. In such circumstances, the mythification of self in Thorez’s memoir, Fils du peuple, and in his speeches, may be precisely what is most apposite for the group feeling itself under siege, and most pregnant with meaning, underpinning the charisma of the leader and the cohesion of the group.
As for its voice in the national media, the government was engaged in the removal of communist influence in state-owned sources of information like the radio and Agence France Presse. In such circumstances, the mythification of self in Thorez’s memoir, Fils du peuple, and in his speeches, may be precisely what is most apposite for the group feeling itself under siege, and most pregnant with meaning, underpinning the charisma of the leader and the cohesion of the group. The portrayal of Thorez as hero and martyr exploited the potential in the image of the leader who is distinguished ‘par le haut’,28 standing above his community, while at the same time assuming the sacrificial role that is testament to the humblest and most unconditional identification with that community.
