By Gianluca Passarelli
This e-book explains why the extent of celebration presidentialization varies from one state to a different. It considers the consequences of constitutional buildings in addition to the party's unique beneficial properties, and argues that the measure of occasion presidentialization varies as a functionality of the party's genetics.
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Extra resources for The Presidentialization of Political Parties: Organizations, Institutions and Leaders
Example text
Whereas the second essentially refers to a presidentialized party which delegates to its leader which has discretion in electoral and governing arenas (Samuel and Shugart, 2010a, p. 16). The debate is ongoing (Foley, 2013) and has seen the use of frank and direct language, with some arguing that the term presidentialization “should be expunged from political science vocabulary” (Dowding, 2013a, p. 617), while others defend the thesis (Poguntke and Webb, 2013). Once the main theoretical frame and the related problematic (and partially unsolved) conceptual controversies have been defined, we can see that obstacles originate from the following: the presidentialization of politics (and therefore of parties) refers to an institutional factor: the leader, in presidential systems, is independent from the legislative branch and is politically and institutionally unaccountable.
In general, the mass media’s role and their influence on voting behavior, as well as the “personalization” of the mass media are controversial and debated arguments that vary according to the different methods of measurement used and on the context of analysis (Helms, 2008; Kriesi, 2012). Trend in personalization is associated with a decline in partisan loyalties and in party identification (Särlvik and Crewe, 1983), although such a development is neither universal nor always large. Finally, some suggest that the characteristics and qualities of leaders and candidates are important under some circumstances and unimportant in others (King, 2002).
In particular, we have three cases of presidential regime, three semipresidential ones, and five countries which have a parliamentary constitutional framework. This number of cases allows for more variation between them in terms of political culture, electoral systems, party system, form of government, one party or coalition government, leadership, the parties’ genetic features, types of democracy, etc. The presence of cases with different regime types is crucial in responding to the book’s guidelines and it has theoretical implications related to the possibility of explaining variation in the presidentialization of parties on the basis of constitutional constraints and their interaction with intervening parties’ features variable.
