By John Baylis, Jon Roper
A penetrating new exam of the triangular political and cultural dating among the United States, Britain, and continental Europe. This courting is either fraught and dynamic. Post-war reconstruction of Europe introduced integration. making a ‘United States of Europe’ used to be a aim shared by means of many american citizens. but the modern 'War on Terror', has redefined relationships among the US, Britain, 'old' and 'new' Europe. For Britain, the Channel turns out wider than the Atlantic, even supposing geopolitically it's a part of Europe. This ebook brings jointly specialists from Britain, Europe and the US to discover the complexities of latest cultural and political relationships, contemplating the demanding situations which have been met and people who must be confronted.
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Extra info for The United States and Europe: Beyond the Neo-Conservative Divide? (Contemporary Security Studies)
Example text
For neo-conservatives in the administration the terrorist attacks both confirmed their worldview and presented an opportunity. America had been vulnerable because of its weak responses to threats from abroad, and its reluctance to use military power. Whatever the truth in the widespread rumours that members of the administration wanted to attack Iraq in the immediate aftermath of September 11 2001, the fact was that at that time the President had popular domestic support and international toleration—not least in Europe—for some form of military action.
Although membership in the Alliance was unanimously regarded in Poland as the foreign policy success of the post-Cold War era, bringing to a close the acute insecurities of much of Poland’s history, old uncertainties persisted in the shape of Russia, and a range of new insecurities emerged in Poland’s eastern neighbourhood. Such differences meant that Warsaw and Berlin now held distinctly different conceptions of NATO’s role. 4 The evolution of Polish and German security perspectives was also shaped by the further elaboration of the EU’s foreign and security policy ambitions.
With the collapse of any viable alternatives to the liberal democratic state, progress might be made towards a reduction in international tensions. For Fukuyama, the ‘end of history’ did not by any means imply the end of international conflict per se. For the world at that point would be divided between a part that was historical and a part that was post-historical. Conflict between states still in history, and between those states and those at the end of history, would still be possible. There would still be a high and perhaps rising level of ethnic and nationalist violence, since those are impulses incompletely played out, even in parts of the post-historical world….
