By Robin Archer
Why is the U.S. the one complex capitalist nation without exertions social gathering? this question is without doubt one of the nice enduring puzzles of yank political improvement, and it lies on the middle of a basic debate in regards to the nature of yankee society. Tackling this debate head-on, Robin Archer places ahead a brand new reason behind why there's no American hard work party--an rationalization that means that a lot of the traditional knowledge approximately "American exceptionalism" is untenable.
traditional motives depend on comparability with Europe. Archer demanding situations those factors through evaluating the us with its such a lot comparable New global counterpart--Australia. This comparability is very revealing, not just as the usa and Australia percentage many primary old, political, and social features, but in addition simply because Australian unions confirmed a hard work social gathering within the overdue 19th century, simply while American unions, opposed to a standard backdrop of commercial defeat and melancholy, got here closest to doing anything similar.
Archer examines all the components which may support clarify the yankee final result, and his systematic comparability yields unforeseen conclusions. He argues that prosperity, democracy, liberalism, and racial hostility usually promoted the very adjustments they're stated to have obstructed. And he indicates that it was once no longer those features that left the U.S. with no exertions get together, yet, fairly, the robust effect of repression, faith, and political sectarianism.
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Additional resources for Why Is There No Labor Party in the United States? (Princeton Studies in American Politics: Historical, International, and Comparative Perspectives)
Example text
This suggests that the dampening effect of comparison with Europe should have had less impact in the United States, and hence that the level of dissatisfaction in the United States should have been greater than in Australia. In any case, for most workers—especially for the native-born—expectations generated within the United States would have been more important than those resulting from comparison with Europe. At least three such internal comparative reference points could have produced a large gap between the actual standard of living that workers experienced and their expectations.
The growth of organization among unskilled and semi-skilled workers was connected to the sudden rise and fall of the Knights of Labor, which organized local assemblies open to all workers. However, these were not, strictly speaking, union organizations since, with a few exceptions, non-employees could also join. The Knights, which had begun as a small secret society in 1869, experienced rapid growth in the mid-1880s. At its high point in 1886, the Knights claimed 703,000 members (up from 104,000 the previous year).
In particular, it examines the argument that religious sectarianism fostered intense Democratic and Republican loyalties among ordinary workers, and that this led labor leaders to fear that union organization would be severely disrupted if they entered the electoral arena. Chapter 8 considers left-wing factions and their reform ideologies. It examines the influence of socialists, anarchists, populists, proponents of Henry George’s single tax, “nationalist” followers of Edward Bellamy, cooperative colonists, Knights of Labor, and “pure and simple” unionists.
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