By Henry E. Hale
Russia poses a huge puzzle for theorists of social gathering improvement. nearly each vintage paintings takes events to be inevitable and necessary to electoral festival, yet Russia is still hugely nonpartisan greater than fifteen years after Gorbachev first introduced his democratizing reforms. the matter is that theories of celebration improvement lack a "control case," mostly targeting instances the place events have already built and virtually by no means reading international locations the place autonomous politicians are the norm. This publication specializes in Russia as simply one of these regulate case. It mobilizes clean public opinion surveys, interviews with prime Russian politicians, cautious monitoring of a number of campaigns, and research of nationwide and nearby vote casting styles to teach why Russia stands proud. Russia's traditionally stimulated mix of federalism and "superpresidentialism," coupled with a postcommunist redistribution of assets to nearby political machines and "oligarchic" financial-industrial teams, produced and sustained robust "party substitutes" that experience principally squeezed Russia's actual events out of the "electoral market," harmful Russia's democratic improvement.
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Additional resources for Why not Parties in Russia?: Democracy, Federalism, and the State
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Winning different offices, of course, requires different levels of support. For example, in Russia as of 2003–4, a party needed just 74 75 76 77 For the most elegant and rigorous statement of this well-established assertion, see Cox 1997. O’Donnell and Schmitter 1986, pp. 61–2. See also Lipset and Rokkan 1967 and Panebianco 1988. See the seminal North 1990. To use Cox’s (1997) language, a more precise definition is that a party achieves critical political mass when its nomination of a candidate puts this candidate among the M + 1 viable contenders for any elected office when all candidates and elites perfectly understand their candidates’ electoral chances.
In almost all democracies, there exist other organizational forms that can supply some or all of these same sorts of things to candidates independently of parties, making them what we call here party substitutes. In Russia, major party substitutes have included the powerful political machines of provincial governors like the one in Omsk and politicized financial-industrial groups such as RusAl and Interros in Krasnoiarsk. 81 These organizational forms are not parties themselves because they do not provide a public label under which their candidates campaign, do not run multiple candidates on the basis of common public platforms, do not aspire to full organizational control of the polity, and/or do not seek to institutionalize the ties beyond a given electoral cycle.
36 Krasnoiarsk, Kaliningrad, and the Koriak AO) elected their legislatures partially through a proportional representation (PR) system as of the end of 2000, but none had chosen to rely exclusively on this form of election. These electoral rules were remarkably stable during the 1990s, with only four regions altering their systems between 1995 and 2000. After 2000, however, Putin’s team initiated two major reforms of regional elections. The first of these took effect in mid-July 2003 and mandated that every region had to institute a PR system for at least half of one chamber of its legislature.
