By Melanie Gustafson
An unique and well timed exam of women's lengthy historical past of engaging in partisan politics, "Women and the Republican occasion, 1854-1924" explores the forces that propelled ladies to partisan activism in an period of frequent disfranchisement and gives a brand new point of view on how ladies shaped their political suggestions and identities sooner than and after 1920. Melanie Susan Gustafson examines women's partisan background as a part of the bigger historical past of women's political tradition. Contesting the accredited concept that girls have been uninvolved in political events ahead of they officially bought the vote, Gustafson unearths the size and intensity of women's partisan activism among the founding of the Republican occasion, whose abolitionist time table captured the loyalty of many girls, and the passage of the 19th Amendment."Women and the Republican get together, 1854-1924" offers the advanced interaction of partisan and nonpartisan task, the fierce debates between ladies in regards to the top approach to make their impact felt, and the ebb and circulation of enthusiasm for women's participation in the Republican occasion. Gustafson records the emergence of 3rd events - specifically the revolutionary social gathering, which break up off from the Republican social gathering in 1912 - that fused the civic international of reform firms with the electoral global of balloting and laws. She additionally profiles the prime girls Republicans and activists, either well-known (Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Jane Addams, and Mary Church Terrell) and not more renowned (Anna Dickinson, Victoria Woodhull, Judith Ellen Foster, and Mary Ann Shadd Cary).
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Unlike Dickinson, she had no financial reasons to find a middle ground between radicals and moderates; and unlike Sprague, she did not have family considerations guiding her. ”148 In the spring of 1864, she signed a call by the Central Frémont Club of the City of New York announcing that there would be a Radical Republican Convention in Cleveland, Ohio, to nominate John C. 149 Frémont continued to be the favorite of abolitionists who believed 32 women and the republican party, 1854–1924 that the Republican party was straying from its antislavery principles.
These Republicans continued to criticize Lincoln even after his nomination but were careful to express support for what they called “their” party. ” She stated that she would support “the party represented by Abraham Lincoln,” but in the end Loyal Republican Women, 1854–65 33 she had “no ‘party’ save that which strives with sword and pen . . ”155 During the last months of the campaign, Dickinson campaigned for the party in Pennsylvania. Despite the ongoing tension in the party, Frémont’s withdrawal from the race and McClellan’s nomination on the Democratic ticket brought moderate and radical Republicans in line.
65 In counter-stories the Republican party promoted the romantic nature of the Frémonts’ elopement and placed the couple at the center of campaign propaganda. Jessie Frémont’s appeal was more than sentimental, however; it was moral. ”66 Abolitionist women had found in Jessie Frémont another reason to enter the partisan fray of politics. Lydia Maria Child wrote of Jessie Frémont to a friend, “bless her noble soul! Isn’t it pleasant to have a woman spontaneously recognized as a moral influence in public affairs?
